THE MANIFESTO PODCAST

Luigi Magione's assassination of UnitedHealth CEO Brian Thompson is the most interesting political rorschach test we've seen in quite some time. Armed with a 3D printed gun, good looks and an Ivy League background, Magione officially launches us into the Neo-Gilded Age that is the Trump Era. We talk about propaganda of the deed, nihilism and how we love being back in the 1890s. Johan, in usual form, launches into fraudian-marxian explenations and Carl just enjoys riding the Tiger.Also shout out to our first, unreleased mind you, episode - Uncle Ted Kaczynski who's been linked to the infinitley more good looking Mr. Magione. It also begs the question - in our vapid, social media- and visually driven age is being a genious and actually knowing how to write trump good looks? Food for thought.

The episode centers on a discussion among political commentators about contemporary geopolitical shifts, cultural dynamics, and the role of leadership in shaping the modern West. It positions the 2024 U.S. presidential election as a pivotal event, highlighting Donald Trump’s victory as emblematic of larger ideological and cultural battles. The participants explore the implications of this election for global politics, particularly in Europe, where right-wing movements are gaining traction amid widespread dissatisfaction with traditional governance structures.A central theme is the contrast between the so-called "blob" or entrenched establishment and the rise of populist or libertarian movements. The "blob," characterized as a bureaucratic, self-serving elite, is described as resistant to change and hostile to grassroots political shifts. This tension is paralleled in European contexts, such as Germany and the UK, where populist and conservative parties face institutional and cultural barriers despite growing public support.The discussion emphasizes the role of technology and media in reshaping political dynamics. Trump’s campaign is portrayed as a masterclass in leveraging media attention over financial resources, underscoring the declining influence of traditional mass media in favor of decentralized social platforms. This shift is contrasted with the bureaucratic rigidity of the European political establishment, which is criticized for its inability to adapt to the demands of an increasingly digital and globalized world.The commentators also delve into the ideological currents within the right-wing movements, advocating for a balance between cultural conservatism and pragmatic governance. They argue that humor, relatability, and optimism—qualities attributed to Trump’s campaign—are essential for right-wing parties in Europe to gain broader appeal and counter the doom-and-gloom narratives often associated with political conservatism.The conversation transitions to a broader critique of left-wing politics, focusing on the diminishing appeal of "preaching" or ideological lecturing in contemporary politics. They posit that the left’s reliance on moral superiority and cultural guilt has alienated voters who are increasingly drawn to pragmatic, results-oriented leadership. This shift, they suggest, reflects a broader cultural fatigue with progressive narratives on issues like climate change and identity politics.European political dynamics are examined through the lens of countries like Poland and Hungary, which are presented as models of resistance against the bureaucratic "blob." These nations are praised for their cultural confidence and economic resilience, which stand in stark contrast to the perceived stagnation of Western European states like Germany and France. The discussion highlights Poland’s unique position as a burgeoning center of ideological innovation within Europe.The geopolitical implications of these trends are explored, particularly in the context of U.S. foreign policy under Trump. The participants argue that a robust and assertive American presence on the world stage is essential for maintaining global stability. They view Trump’s "peace through strength" approach as a model for countering threats from authoritarian regimes, notably China and Russia, while fostering economic and cultural renewal in the West.Another significant focus is the role of AI and technological innovation in reshaping governance and power dynamics. The commentators suggest that the U.S. technological dominance, epitomized by figures like Elon Musk, offers a pathway for revitalizing Western leadership and countering the centralized, authoritarian approaches of rivals like China. This tech-driven vision is framed as a critical component of the West’s competitive strategy in the 21st century.

Rod Dreher is a crunchy conservative from Louisiana, an editor for The American Conservative and a prolific a writer – notably of The Benedict Option which reframed the discussion about Christianity in the West in general and America in particular after the advent of Trumpism. Far from the stereotypical mold of an American conservative Dreher's erudite Europhilia runs through his work though as he never fails to remind us of the fruits of western Christian civilization. From the bittersweet and autobiographic How Dante Can Save Your Life which serves a reminder of the joys and depths of great literature as well as his most recent Live Not By Lies which charts the lives of those dissidents who spend the 20th Century imagining, suffering for, and then bringing on a better world in face of overwhelming worldly power.  We are very grateful for this beautiful conversation with Rod about the return of religion, the perennial search of Modern Man to alternatives to a Christian order and we are sure you will enjoy it as well. 

Michael Gibson is the philosophy PhD who traded an Oxbridge career for tech journalism and when introduced to Peter Thiel, the venture capital and setting out to prove the Universities are not even close to the best incubators for curiosity, intellect and tallent.We discuss his journey and his intellectual memoir and spirited screed against the current institutions of learning, governance and dissemination of information, The Paper Belt on Fire.

As conservatives and leftists get their asses kicked in the West and liberalism, while not particularly popular at the ballot box is as dominant as ever as the culture becomes increasingly totalitarian, are we at a kind of Jacobite moment? In today's episode this is what we argue. That the protracted line of revolutions since 1517 - 1688, 1789 etc has left a significant part us in internal exile. So as mental emigrees we review the state of things in the summer of 2024 as well as very apparent the longing for a Prince beyond the sea. By yon bonnie banks and by yon bonnie braes,Where the sun shines bright on Loch Lomond,Where me and my true love were ever wont to gae,On the bonnie, bonnie banks o' Loch Lomond.Chorus:O ye'll tak' the high road, and I'll tak' the low road,And I'll be in Scotland afore ye,But me and my true love will never meet again,On the bonnie, bonnie banks o' Loch Lomond.'Twas there that we parted, in yon shady glen,On the steep, steep side o' Ben Lomond,Where in soft purple hue, the highland hills we view,And the moon coming out in the gloaming.ChorusThe wee birdies sing and the wildflowers spring,And in sunshine the waters are sleeping.But the broken heart it kens nae second spring again,Though the waeful may cease frae their grieving.Chorus

We are here to save the West. We see that politics and the political systems have failed or reached a dead end. But how does one save a moribund system from the grasp of an elite, of institutions and to be frank - a significant part of the electorate that benefits from it? Since 2016 the very word for change is the dread and promise that is Populism. In its promise is a belief that our democracy is not just a finely tuned system and a machine that can, and should be managed, but the ultimate expression of a sovereign people. The challenge is both national and supra-national. For today institutions not only span across countries but engulf entire continents. The whole of Europe and the whole of the West is intertwined in a myriad of ways – through academia, through the media and through law.Populism is often decried by its detractors as mere demagoguery – the dark art of fanning popular unrest or the great unwashed ashes to seize power for the sake of power alone. But if we are to use Populism, what is it that we wish to conjure up? The election of Donald Trump as People’s Tribune in 2016 along with Brexit started the trend of vast numbers of voters breaking away from traditional voting patterns to support radical change. Before any of this, however, ‘populism’ referred mostly to left-wing movements – SYRIZA in Greece and Hugo Chavez in Venezuela come to mind. Are we here coming up against the limitations of this word? Is populism a guiding principle or a political method?The idea of popular uprisings has always been a double-edged sword - the promise of liberation, symbolized in the 1989 great German slogan “Wir sind das Volk!”, but also seen in the violent passions of mob rule, and the corruption historically following in its wake.Are we to condemn Caesar for crossing the Rubicon? Or condemn that arch-populist Pompey for forcing Caesar to do so, while backing a corrupt system? This is a timeless question, and one that shakes the very foundations of the Western world as we speak. There has never been a more apt time to answer them.

Patrick Deneen is a professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame. Professor Deneen rose to prominence with his 2018 book Why Liberalism Failed. It drew a readership from the entire spectrum of American politics; from Cornel West, Jacobin Magazine and President Obama to the likes of Jonah Goldberg and George Will. The book drew praise and criticism alike as well as throwing a wrench in the smooth workings of the left-right divide of American intellectual life. He is a noted student of American democracy and shares many perspectives with one of its most noted observers and commenters, Alexis de Tocqueville. He visits our podcast to talk about his latest book, Regime Change - Towards a Postliberal future.A conservative who rejects both the dogma of Republican Party “freemarket” corporatism as well as libertarian atomism he instead advances the argument for a common good conservatism. Being branded simultaneously dangerous radical and nefarious reactionary Professor Deneen traces the common good doctrine back to the very foundations of America and ties it to a wider European tradition. If our post-liberal future is to have a chance it is time to slaughter sacred cows and do battle against all both the current political regime and the nihilism of those who say that nothing can be done. 

Why is modern architecture so ugly? Since at least 1950 the world has gotten immensely less attractive. Under the banner of poverty alleviating and social housing beauty in urban spaces became an outdated concept. Progress demanded that the bourgeoisie notion of function be discarded which is why your local library and Opera house now looks something designed by a wicked totalitarian regime totally obsessed with off putting shapes in steel and glass.Surprisingly not everyone thinks Modernist Architecture, the official name of the movement - think Stalinst but without the sense of grandeur, is great. Carl tends to agree. So we interviewed one of the leading lights of a popular rebellion against Modernism to ask if we are condemned to a future where architecture is still making us depressed. He was suitably optimistic but warned us that this view might be a sign of political extremism, and as he'd been told by his opponents in the architectural establishment, you guessed it, racism.Colour us surprised. We needed to know more.