Drum Tower

For years China has dominated maritime trade. A number of the world’s ports are run by Chinese state-owned enterprises. Others belong to CK Hutchison (CKH), a Hong Kong conglomerate, founded by Li Ka-shing, Hong Kong’s richest man. In recent months the billionaire has found himself embroiled in a geopolitical squabble. Two of CKH’s ports are at either end of the Panama canal, a waterway that Donald Trump has demanded America “take back”. A consortium led by BlackRock is seeking to buy those ports from CKH, along with 41 others. The deal would reshape the contours of global trade—and Xi Jinping doesn’t like it.Jeremy Page, The Economist’s Asia diplomatic editor, and Emma Irving, our Asia news editor in Hong Kong, explore how Li Ka-shing got caught in the crossfire of the China-US rivalry and ask: what does the fate of the Panama ports deal mean for the future of Chinese business and global maritime trade?To sign up for Economist Education’s six-week online course in international relations, head to education.economist.com/drum. To get 15% off, use the code DRUM. The next course starts on May 14th.Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

If you’re wondering how the Communist Party wants the public to feel about the trade war, head to Chinese social media. From foreign ministry officials sharing footage of rousing Mao Zedong speeches, to memes of ripped pandas boiling eagles, images of defiance abound. They mirror the message being sent from Beijing. So far China has matched America’s exorbitant tariffs tit-for-tat, and Chinese officials say they won’t be the first side to back down. Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent and Simon Cox, our China economics editor ask: what is China’s calculus in the trade war? And how wise is the country’s defiant stance? Plus, Aaron Connelly, our Asia diplomatic editor, considers the predicament facing China's neighbours in South-East Asia.Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

Good bosses are rare. They don’t have to be. The skills of management can be learned.The Economist’s management columnist, Andrew Palmer, is here to help. The second season of Boss Class features leaders at some of the world’s best performing companies, from Levi’s to Novo Nordisk to Google. New episodes are out weekly starting May 12th. To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. https://subscribenow.economist.com/podcasts-plusIf you’re already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

As tensions with America rise, China has found an edge. A decade ago, Chinese cyber-operations were clumsy and unsophisticated. But a dramatic shift has taken place. Chinese hacking is now formidable—and it has been turbocharged by the private sector and hacking competitions.Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent and Shashank Joshi, our defence editor, ask: how did China become a cyber powerhouse?Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

China launched large-scale military exercises around Taiwan this month, warning that reunification was “an unstoppable trend”. It sent fighter jets and warships to surround the island, held live-fire missile drills, and simulated a blockade. Meanwhile, a propaganda video referred to Taiwanese leaders as “separatists” and “parasites”. The message is clear: if Taiwan rejects reunification, China has the capacity to cut the island off from the world.Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent and Anton La Guardia, our diplomatic editor, ask: what might a siege of Taiwan look like? And how should Taiwan—and the world—prepare for it? Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

Donald Trump’s trade war is escalating and China has been hit hard. But even as Mr Trump threatens additional tariffs, China is not backing down. Our editor-in-chief visited Beijing recently to gauge the mood in the country as it entered the trade war. And while tough times lie ahead, the trip led to a seemingly paradoxical conclusion: China could turn the second Trump presidency into an opportunity. Not just to fix its economic problems, but to redraw the geopolitical map. David Rennie, The Economist’s geopolitics editor, and Zanny Minton Beddoes, our editor-in-chief ask: how could China gain from the second Trump presidency? And what would that mean for the rest of the world?Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

To start you’ll need a network of collaborators, sympathetic to your cause. Begin to erode public confidence until your target’s disillusionment is palpable. Add a siege. Then offer to negotiate. If you’ve followed steps one and two, a surrender, brokered by your collaborators, is all but guaranteed.The Communists used a version of this recipe to defeat the Nationalists in Beijing, then called Beiping, during the Chinese civil war. Almost 100 years later the so-called Beiping model is being talked about once more. This time by Chinese officials and state media who ponder whether it could be applied to Taiwan. If so, it means Xi Jinping could defeat the island without a shot being fired.Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, and Jeremy Page, our Asia diplomatic editor, ask: how is China laying the psychological groundwork for the Beiping model in Taiwan? And could it work?Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account

An ancient empress, thrust into the modern world, must win over a CEO and his family. After a one-night stand, two people wake up married, and their wedding goes viral. Micro-dramas deliver non-stop twists in under two minutes and audiences can’t stop watching. This booming industry has outpaced China’s box office and Chinese production companies are looking to replicate its success abroad. Meanwhile, the Communist Party is trying to regulate these micro-dramas and adopt the format to spread party-approved values.Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, and Gabriel Crossley, our China correspondent, ask: why is China cracking down on its most addictive entertainment export?Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.

3,000 delegates, two cups of tea for Xi Jinping and lots of polite applause. At the National People’s Congress, China unveiled its plans for steering its economy through 2025 with choreographed calm. In fact, there is much to be unsettled about. The world’s second-largest economy is in the doldrums. Chinese consumer confidence is yet to recover from the covid lockdowns and the property market continues to languish. While Donald Trump’s threat of 60% tariffs is yet to transpire, his trade war is stoking uncertainty. Against this backdrop, an economic recovery seems a long way off. Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, and Simon Cox, our China economics editor, ask: what is the Communist Party’s strategy to bring the Chinese economy back on track? And is China ready for the global economic turmoil ahead?Transcripts of our podcasts are available via economist.com/podcasts.Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.